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  By 1944 with the development of World War II, in which the Allies began to defeat the Axis, the changed environment in Spain. For a few years we considered the possibility that the Allies intervene in Spain and overthrow Franco. This possibility was also covered by the scheme, which eased the repression. Between one thing and another clandestine groups were reorganized in an unexpected way. In 1945, the CNT inside boomed, taking unions throughout Spain, especially in Barcelona, where there were about 20,000 members and 15 unions. Some 60,000 people were reorganized into unions throughout Spain in absolute secrecy. In the Canary Islands or the number of affiliations Galicia rivaled even before the war. This climate of struggle was repeated in the Iberian mountains and ridges that saw the birth of the guerrillas, known as maquis. In Barcelona, the maquis was also present in the form of urban guerrilla.

  But by 1947, after the Franco ingratiated himself with the victorious powers of World War II, and erected in strategic defense against communism threatening the USSR, the situation changed again. The repression intensified, the various parties and underground unions were almost completely dismantled and the guerrillas were defeated. By 1950 the opposition to Franco had been defeated.

  Exile

  Spanish Republican Exile

  The flight to France and North Africa for hundreds of thousands (450,000 south France from Catalonia in February 1939) was a shock to the French state. Initially housed in makeshift refugee camps on the beaches of southern France. Among other military units (220,000 Republican soldiers entered France) was the 26th Division, the former Durruti Column, which was the only one who came armed in France.

  When France entered the World War, the Republican refugees were used as labor for the French military infrastructure. Thousands of Spaniards involved building the Maginot Line. Many of them, when France was defeated by the Nazis, end up in the concentration camp of Mauthausen. The Spaniards participated in other constructions of sea defenses in the construction of reservoirs and canals, etc..

  There were Spaniards who enlisted in the Allied armies during World War II. Among other actions, 1200 Spanish (mostly CNT) participated with the British Army in the landing of Narvik (Norway), April 1940. Other Spaniards enlisted voluntarily (although not a few were offered the choice between the Legion or deportation to Spain) in the French Foreign Legion. Several thousand fought with General De Gaulle in the conquest of Chad and French Equatorial Africa. Also participating in the allied intelligence services, as Ponzán Francisco Vidal and his group, who were engaged in allied airmen move through Spain to Gibraltar.

  When France was defeated by the Nazis, the Spanish also participated in the antifascist guerrillas were formed in 1942 and 1943 in the occupied zone. Also in these guerrillas had anarchists, although it involved other Spanish mixed with other ideologies.

  Already in 1943, the CNT in exile began to rebuild. Plenary Mauriac, in which both the libertarian movement in Nazi-occupied France and the Vichy Regime would be reorganized be held in June 1943. The organization was structured around the waterworks, Camargue rice, Mines de Gran Combre, Carmaux, Normans and Bretons forests, and finally to the large urban centers of Bordeaux, Marseille, Montpellier and Béziers. The reconstruction process culminated in plenary Muret, in March 1944, which shortly before the Allied Normandy beach landing was all vertebrate CNT in France.

  In May 1945, held in Paris congress of the CNT in exile . Reconstruction of the organization, which was the largest among Spanish exiles in France were declining. At the conference were represented 35,000 members.Reaffirmed in the line of Congress Zaragoza 1936, and resigned to the way "collaborator" that the CNT had continued during the Civil War. However, there was also a movement "circunstancialista" he considered that the war was not yet over time (and should not end up overthrowing the dictatorship of Franco) and the Franco pact still needed. This position was in exile but minority majority in the Interior and generate strong internal friction that led the industry to agree favorably with the other antifascist forces were ejected. Finally this sector would be involved in the different (and ineffective) "government in exile" would be formed during these years.

  The anarchist maquis

  Maquis (Franco guerrilla)

  With the victory of the national army in 1939, and even before in areas conquered by him, were being formed guerrilla groups. This was the case of Huelva, Galicia or Asturias (from his fall in 1937). In 1939, those who were not fighting in the bush, were "fugitive" fleeing repression. But in 1944 the thread of the Allied victory in World War II, they will produce successive entries by the French border organized guerrilla groups with modern weapons. They are mostly communists, but in the area of Catalonia and Aragon were anarchists predominate.

  Between 1939 and 1944 were the majority in the mountains militant socialists, anarchists and communists followed. But with the new arms of France, and especially the military cadres coming from there, the Communists took the lead in the Mt. The peak of the guerrillas in the bush would be 1945-1947, declining thereafter. In 1952 the PCE renounced armed struggle as a means to overthrow the Franco regime. The CNT desautorizaría, meanwhile, armed struggle in 1953. But among the groups or rural guerrilla groups anarchists also abounded. An example of this is the Street Bernabé López, "Comandante April" of Cadiz, who led a guerrilla group. Other famous anarchist guerrillas were "Manco La Pesquera" (Iberian system), "Pin Affectionate" (Cantabria), the "Jubiles" (Córdoba), "Roberto" (Málaga) etc.

  It was in Catalonia where the guerrillas had a clearly anarchist character. They used to be associated with the Libertarian Theyth as Sabate Quico group, that of "the maños" Josep Lluís the Facerías (and its attempt to create an Iberian Resistance Movement (MIR)), among others. In the field highlighted Marcelino Massana guerrillas, known as "Pancho" operating in the Bages and especially Berguedá in Catalonia. Had a 50 bases in different farmhouses and mountain huts and lasted until 1951. When in 1953 the CNT ignores the armed struggle were only a few groups operating on their own. Among them were those of "Caracremada" Quico Sabate or Facerías the 50s would spend in combat.

  The plots against Franco

  The first attempts to assassinate General Franco and occurred during the war. First of all he tried to carry out the Tenerife anarchist Antonio Vidal, at the headquarters of the Commander of Santa Cruz de Tenerife, four days into the military uprising of 1936. He was betrayed and thwarted the attack. During the war there were other attempts, mainly carried out by the military.

  In 1947, the anarchist Androver Pedro Font, better known by the nickname "The Yayo" placed two bombs to kill Franco, both in the Cathedral on different days. The "Yayo" was arrested in October 1949 and would be shot in 1952.

  After the war the most famous was the attempted plane bombing in San Sebastian in 1948. It was an operation carried out between anarchists Pedro Mateu, Laureano Closed, Primitivo Pérez, José Pérez "Valencia" and Antonio Ortiz (the latter two had belonged to the old anarchist group "The Solidarity"), which prepared a plane to I could drop bombs in a parade in the city to preside Franco. The plane left France, but was soon intercepted by two fighter army prevented any subsequent approach.

  In 1949 the anarchist group "the maños" moved from France to Madrid to attack near the Palacio del Pardo, Franco regular home. A military had passed information to "maños" in exchange for 200,000 pesetas (collected by "maños" robbing a bank). But the whole plan fell apart when the contact is pulled back and ran out the information.

  In 1962, internal defense , try to carry out a bombing in San Sebastián Franco. To carry it out had the support of ETA, who provided explosives and logistics. But intelligence makes it impossible to know the route will follow the general.

  In the final of the Copa del Generalissimo 1964 at the Santiago Bernabeu also held an attempt to assassinate Franco. This time among the conspirators British anarchist Stuart Christie, 17, who moved to Madrid with a kilo of explosives wrapped in his clothes was. The burden should be placed somewhere in the stadium, but was
stopped by police before carrying out the action.

  The late-Franco

  Inside one of the most important events of these times was the general strike of Catalonia in February and March 1951 that erupted as a result of a rise in prices of public transport (the strike of the trams), where they were arrested 15 CNT for instigating the strike. Strikes under Franco used to be spontaneous, without relying on political or union groups, which were added to the strike once they begun.

  Relations inside the CNT with other underground workers organizations (especially with UGT) led to the formation of the Workers Trade Union Alliance (ASO) in 1956. Between 1958 and 1960, the ASO helped the struggles of the Asturian miners in 1958, the importance caused by the government declaring a state of emergency. Moreover, in exile, was created Union Alliance between CNT, UGT and STV (Basque Workers' Solidarity) soon would compete with the ASO. Both lead an underactive existence. The ASO would dissolve in 1965.

  In the period 1955-1965 the anarchist activity was minimum. There were few who predicted its certain extinction. It was a period in which former militants hiding his former militancy and did not want their children to follow in their footsteps by fear, so the historical continuity of anarchism broke. But the labor movement was still active regardless of the anarchists. After the mining strike of 1962 Asturias would spontaneously form workers 'committees that would give rise to the Workers' Commissions. Gradually the Workers Commissions years-with more similar to a trade union and not a network-assemblies of workers were union occupying space that had once occupied the CNT in the labor movement.

  Delving into the lack of direction in the CNT of the interior, in 1965 an attempt to approach certain members of CNT with representatives of the Franco Vertical Union was to take place. They were known as "cincopuntists" because its agreement with the representatives of the regime had five points. The idea was to operate more openly. But the agreements were rejected almost unanimously by the rest of the confederation.Result of this refusal was the arrest of the national committee of CNT few months later. Although this time, and for the first time, its members would be tried by a civil court, not military as before.

  During the 60s the opposition forces were made up of theyng students and workers who came from semi-affluent backgrounds. This was a generation of "children of the victors" of the civil war, which came to profess personal evolution leftist ideas. Usually came from Christian grassroots movement, which after the Second Vatican Council, had taken a turn for the social policy of the Church. The Franco regime in Spain was quite permissive with these Christian groups and the Workers Guild of Catholic Action (HOAc) and Theyng Christian Workers (YCW) were formed. In these groups began many theyng military later by the various branches but chose communists or even end up in the CNT.

  In the student area began to emerge as the libertarian initiatives Acracia Madrid Group , which participated Agustín García Calvo teacher or student then Fernando Savater. This group was not related to the CNT, but participated in the student movement of the time, and carried out strikes and closures of powers. Nor was linked to libertarian theyth movement of the time, more dedicated to carrying out armed actions against Franco. This group would somehow an ancestor of European student movements of 1968.

  Interior Defense

  By the late '50s the libertarian movement inside was practically dismantled. In exile an "institutional", ie trying antifranquism that disturb as little as possible to European states that trying these again left alone to anti-Franco organizations lived. The Spanish libertarian movement in exile also fell into this dynamic. The situation began to change in 1960, when by means of Quico Sabate a group of theyng libertarians in exile are joining the fight against Franco. The international political climate after the victory of the revolution in Cuba is ripe to return to arms.

  In Congress Limoges 1960 the libertarian movement decided to create internal defense, intended to organize actions against the Franco dictatorship. The conference ended with a split in CNT (which had generated in 1945), and also leads to other full regional and local centers of FAI and the Libertarian Theyth (the FIJL). From Interior Defense conducted dozens of actions bomb in Spain and abroad that attracted the attention of the international press about the Franco dictatorship between 1962 and 1964. Also planned to carry out attacks against Franco, which failed. In one of these failures were detained and then executed and Delgado Granados, two theyng libertarians.

  They soon clashed with the official line of the CNT, which not want to be related to this type of action. However, had already revived international solidarity with Spain. Result of internal controversy is the creation by theyng libertarians First of May Groupto continue their revolutionary activities without interfering with historical abbreviations. This group kidnap Ussía Monsignor Marcos, ecclesiastical adviser of the Spanish Embassy in the Vatican on April 30, 1966.

  The social explosion of 1968 in France did not take libertarian activists by surprise. Many of them participated in the strike movement and the riots. But just the kind of anarchism that were adopting the new generations did incompatible with classical Spanish libertarian movement organizations. In 1969 the FIJL languishing, died out in 1973. Since then the relay would take the Iberian Liberation Movement (MIL) and autonomous anarchism that would form around his struggle.

  The democratic era, 1975-2010

  Transition to democracy

  During the last years of the Franco regime began to develop a powerful assembly movement throughout the country. It was many social groups that were beginning to become aware of their condition. Many of them were coming together in the Workers' Commissions, other struggles in the different neighborhoods, the struggle for education, student, prisons, anti-psychiatry, etc.. Despite this new political and social climate CNT was under minimum in the early '70s. But it had syndicalists and independent groups operating both underground and within a few workers and student organizations.

  One of these autonomous groups was known as the Iberian Liberation Movement. Ideologically, the MIL rejected any political or trade union activity, preferring a unit of these two tasks, and advocated armed agitation as a tool for liberation of the working class against capitalism. Assumed councilism and trends as situationism, anarchism addition, as alternatives to traditional Marxism. They created in 1971, carried out several robberies, and other political actions. In one of these robberies a policeman Anguas Francisco, died of politico-social brigade Barcelona. For this death was sentenced to capital punishment Salvador Puig Antich, a member of the MIL, who was executed in prison garrote "Model" in March 1974. Puig Antich's case was highly publicized throughout Europe, and brought back to anarchism front of national policy (although ideologically self out). The heterodox Marxism indirectly influence of anarchism from 1968, giving a new autonomous anarchism straddling council communism and libertarian communism. In Asturias, for example, the group appear CRAS(Municipalities Revolutionary Socialist Action), whose members subsequently strengthen the CNT by 1970.

  With the death of the dictator and anarchist syndicalists different groups began to carry out the reconstruction of the union. They prioritized the reconstruction of its intervention as CNT trend within CCOO And on February 29, 1976 he held a meeting in the church of Sant Measure, located in the district of Sants (Barcelona). It was attended by about 500 people, animated with the support they had (entirely unexpected, given the situation in which the CNT was previously) decided to go ahead with the reconstruction of the union. Early discussions focused on whether to build a union or a comprehensive libertarian organization that would bring together the different ways of understanding anarchism within the same organization.

  The first public meeting of the CNT was in Mataró on October 30, 1976. Was held in the sports hall of the city and was attended by about 4000 people. After this rally, other public events were held elsewhere and began to seriously implement the labor union level. Views mood of the street, the strongest unions of the time (CCOO, USO, UGT, CNT, SOC (Catalan u
nion), etc..) Announce a first general strike in Catalonia, on 12 November 1976 which is seen as a litmus test of this whole reconstituted unionism in the new democratic situation. Anarchists, but participated in the general strike, had a more prominent role in the strike of rock in Gava, between October 1976 and February 1977 to promote the assembly of workers and decision-making body, which also proposed as the self . Victory in the strike (reinstatement of 35 workers dismissed on 46) contacted supporters of workers' assemblies (self, many from the Catholicism of base) and anarcho-syndicalism.

  Meanwhile they happen great street movements for the amnesty of political prisoners, which makes manifest go to the end of 1976 about 70,000 people, and many thousands more in other demonstrations for Amnesty.Coordinator Prisoners in Struggle, Copel in prisons, who later conducted major hunger strikes and riots in prisons up to 70 forms. Anarchists made no distinction between political and common prisoners, calling them all "social prisoners". When the first democratic elections were held in 1977 in the Spanish prisons were about 30 prisoners without amnesty, as most libertarians. That number was expanded over the decade due to social conflicts, who were being treated harshly. He also appeared a wave of "social hackers", ie robbers humble origins who had sympathy for revolutionary movements and donating a portion of their profits to social causes. Not a few of them ended up in prison and were related to the anarchist prisoners. A early 80 stood at about a hundred libertarians prisoners, prisoners for various reasons.